2010 Regioninės studijos, [vol.] 5

The political strategy of the Baltic countries played a paramount rule in the break up of the USSR. Moreover, it was above all the restoration of Baltic independence that finally gave real substance to the concept of Baltic regional identity, in so far as the re-emergence of independent Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania was the catalyst for the re-drawing of the security architecture of the entire Baltic region. That reality in turn demands a re-evaluation of the influence of so-called small states in the international system, as well as recognition yet again of the major contribution of the Baltic peoples in winning over European opinion to their cause.

Most scholars argue that postmodern citizenship is a characteristic of young generations. Young people are not apathetic, but express an increasing rejection of institutional forms of participation. Post-transitional problems such as rising aspirations of economic well-being and persisting inequality led to decline of conventional and nonconventional participation in post-communist countries. The focus of this article is to investigate whether postmodern citizenship actually occurs in Lithuania. Based on a survey conducted in Lithuania in 2006, the article draws conclusions that postmodern citizenship occurs in Lithuania, but it does not confirm theoretical expectations. From theoretical perspective of the postmodern citizenship, the characteristics of identified groups (the traditional citizens, the monitorial citizens, the opportunistic citizens and the bold citizens) are mixed, because of socioeconomic and cultural conditions in Lithuania.

The Russian populations of Estonia live mostly in north-eastern Estonia and the capital Tallinn. As the Russian-speakers represent 43 % of the city inhabitants, the situation is particular in Estonia: contacts between Estonians and Russians may be easier than elsewhere in the country. The statistical data show a concentration of those populations in several districts including the district of Lasnamäe, built during the Soviet period. However, new trends reveal that the proportion of Russians increases in recent years in districts which had been mainly Estonian. The decision of Russian families to live in individual houses, like in the district of Pirita implies that inter-ethnic contacts could be better. However, the example of the location of schools in Tallinn reveals that even if the families move to other places, the relations may remain the same between Estonians and Russians. However, the analysis of the recent local and national elections that the Russian populations are well integrated regarding political issues. The elections in October 2009 reinforced the relations between the Russian populations and the Center Party, led by Mayor of Tallinn Edgar Savisaar and the absence of Russian parties in Estonia. Finally, the integration in the Estonian political life is real since the Estonian parties struggled to gather votes from the Russian populations of Tallinn, which essential to claim victory.

In the article two cases in Latvian and Lithuanian press are analyzed. First publication appeared in year 2000 Latvian magazine Kapitals, second in year 2004 in Lithuanian daily Respublika. Both articles claim that Jews rule the world. In Kapitals case publication is straightly entitled – “Jews rule the world”, Respublika case leaves some space for interpretation “Who rules the world?” from the texts it is clear that two groups are involved in the process, not only Jews, as in Latvian case, but also homosexuals. Because of negative stereotypes image of Jewish community in Latvia and in Lithuania has a lot of negative aspects and usage of negative stereotypes could provoke anti-Semitic attitudes. Homosexuals in Lithuania are one of the most stigmatized groups also usually referred only in negative connotations. Both publications are based on conspiracy theories that relatively small and in society unpopular groups in fact are very powerful and can strongly affect life of society. To publication in Latvia reacted not only civil society, foreign diplomats but Latvia’s Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign affairs condemning such a position, editor of the magazine resigned from his position. In Lithuania only civil society and foreign diplomats reacted, local politicians did not pay attention to the issues. Author of the articles (and owner of the newspaper as well) received some financial punishment without any adequate sanctions further.

Vilnius, the capital of Lithuania, has been declared a European Capital of Culture in 2009, and this official nomination by European Union constitutes another public mark of the process that the Republic of Lithuania carried out from their independence from Soviet Union to their membership in the European Union. To manage all the events that were organized in 2006, the Vilnius municipality and Lithuanian ministry of culture established a public institution named “Vilnius – European Capital of Culture 2009”. At the base of the programme, there is the involvement of different social groups, artistic, cultural and, more in general, volunteer associations, media operators or simple citizens that, through projects, should develop shows, concerts, performances that can represent an official culture accepted as trait-d’union between the European union’s idea of common culture among all members and the specific need of representation of particular and unique culture, tied to a specific and unique identity, of the independent republic of Lithuania. From another point of view, the so called “civil society”, in this case all those social groups, associations, artists and citizens can develop several representations of culture or, more in general, several ways of thinking about national identity, that very often can cause some tension with the official institution. The needs, problems and ideas about culture can differ or be in contrast with the official representation given by the government or requested by the European Union. The expected participation of civil society (groups, associations, artists, citizens, etc.) is, at the same time, a resource and a critical point of the programme. The connection between official goal of representation of a specific idea of culture and the statement to do this through the projects proposed by different groups can create tension and underline the different levels of meanings inside an apparent clear and unequivocal affirmation of culture.

Human rights process becomes a scientific fact for many scholars all over the world in our days. Human rights are studied from different scientific perspectives. Human rights have historical, sociological, anthropological, international and other, at first very strong legal, dimensions. It means that only multidisciplinary approach can be fruitfully used in human rights research. The acquaintance with natural law doctrine, their secularization in the seventeen century, equality, freedom or liberty ideas, the idea of reason is a basic condition for human rights process studies. Philosophical questions about human rights help to clarify key concepts and definitions and to justify moral arguments that support human rights, because the language of human rights is normative or ethical language. Very important level of human rights process and its research is the legal one. International human rights are now an integral part of public international law. For the political scientist community, which is engaged in human rights research, the most important is perspective of comparative politics. Comparison is a very fruitful way in both, empirical and normative human rights research fields. Differences in political ideologies, religions and the variety of historical events, that have made difficulties in secure general agreements, and to reach common norms of human rights all over the world can be explain by comparison. Comparing human rights practices is an essential tool for understanding sources of abuse and reform. Unfortunately, it is not the case of Lithuania. Legal and State (public authority) texts on human rights field are prevailed. Impartial academic human rights process research is at very shy beginning in Lithuania. The aim of this paper is to point out some peculiarities of human rights process in Lithuania and to show some gap in this process research.

The recent upsurge of Estonian cinema, characterised by an increased number of productions as well as by the remarkable success of these productions both at international film festivals and in the domestic box-office, has left the broader audiences with a strong conviction that Estonian cinema as a national cinema was not born until after the Estonian state was re-established in the early 1990s. This reflects eloquently the fact that a whole branch and period of the Estonian culture – Soviet Estonian cinema – is to this date not recognised as a self-evident part of Estonian national culture, at least not in the wider, popular imaginary. This paper examines Soviet Estonian narrative cinema of the 1960s and seeks to demonstrante that while it was inseparably tied to the Union-wide, i.e. transnational, cinematic circuits, both in terms of policies and practices, themes and topics, Estonian cinema still succeeded in sculpting a distinctive, i.e. national, sensibility. This dynamic, in my opinion, is manifested in a strikingly clear manner through dominant spatial representations of the period’s production. The portrayals of Estonian territory, its characteristic land-, sea- and mnemoscapes as seen in the cinema of the 1960s provides a reasonably strong case for arguing that despite the lack of a nation-state on the one hand and the rigorous regulations of Soviet cinema authorities on the other hand, the local cultural agencies managed to establish a specific representational order which bears clear traces of local idiosyncrasies.

Nowadays public relations activities have become topical in universities and the work of universities is not possible without PR any more. Over the years public relations activities have become more diverse and intensive. Special departments have been created. The number of people employed has increased as well. However, as it is stated in the article, not all universities’ PR occupies a significant place. PR enthusiasts still have to try to explain to the management strategically important meaning, applicability, necessity of public relations and their place in the organizational structure. The aim of the article is to analyze and explain the role of public relations as a management function at universities. It is stressed in the article that the place of PR in universities to a great extent depends on the rector and public relations head manager relationship. Mutual understanding, respect, trust and support provide the development and success in the field of public relations. Universities’ PR programs are defined in the article. It is explained why the working with these publics is important to create positive images of universities. The article offers an analysis of the theoretical literature and other sources as well as giving facts gained from detailed interviews with public relations practitioners and academicians from universities in Latvia.

When the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was created, at a first time as a personal union, this was the mere consequence of political interests. Nevertheless, it was able to develop into a multi-national body characterized by its singularity and respect of local and regional differences. Was it a perfect political system? It was not, but with some features of what can be called a proto-federalism, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth is an interesting case-study for the modern rights of minorities, as well as peace studies through institutional-building. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to present the more relevant aspects of the Commonwealth in order to understand its importance not only as an exception at its time, but as having the potential to be an example of peaceful cohabitation, tolerance and multiculturalism for modern Europe.