Literature to date on the neo-Pagan movement in Russia has focused on understanding the movement as a form of “escape” and evaluating the relative “harm” posed to individuals and society by such organisations. This research focused on the everyday manifestation and reproduction of Slavic neo-Pagan groups in St. Petersburg. The research suggested that, as the Slavic neo-Pagan movement struggled to establish an agreed set of principles and practices, disagreements focused on the relative weight of its ideological and cultural components and that particular communities of neo-Pagans had become organised around their position in relation to these discourses.

Skinhead groups are not ascetic formations withdrawn from the “real”, mainstream world but groups of young people who are profoundly conscious of the world in which they live and are motivated by the need to change it. This desire to interact with and change the world leads to violent street action (in particular attacks on members of ethnic minorities and others who they feel “disgrace” Russia, e.g., homeless people). However, it also means that such groups are responsive to changes in the external environment, and this case study suggested clearly that the increased threat of arrest and imprisonment for both race-related crimes and incitement to racial and ethnic hatred has had a major impact on the performance of skinheads.

Drug use within the youth cultural environment is widespread and unremarkable; this means that drug users can rarely be considered to constitute distinct “subcultures”. In the context of processes of de-industrialisation and marketisation, drugs are a key commodity for sale and exchange. In the tough economic climate of the Russian far north – where geographical location means that hemp and opium based drugs cannot be locally grown, and supply routes are truncated by poor transportation links – they may become a key component of the informal economy. A key finding of this research was that the sale of drugs was one of a range of “hustling” practices – including trade in “acquired” goods and drugs, money-lending and “sorting” disputes – that were widespread among young people, whether or not they used drugs themselves.

21st century is called the century of democracy. But if you take a look at the contemporary political discourse and recent situation, it is evident that the real situation is far from the described above. “The resurgence of ideological and political turbulence in the late 1960s, social conflicts rising in the early 1970s, and the spread of mass protest by new social movements and citizen initiatives in the 1980s were symptoms of a profound transformation of West European politics”. This transformation united xenophobia and the populist ideology into one strong phenomenon that became very popular among the European societies. “Populist parties are generally thought of as lacking grand visions on comprehensive ideological projects. Instead, they are presumed to appeal to common sense of common people, seek to divine mood swings of an increasingly volatile electorate, and to shape their political programs accordingly.” Because of high popularity, radical right wing populism becomes stronger. The main purpose of today’s political and social elite is to stop or to prevent European societies from the possibility of becoming xenophobic nations full of fair and hatred. The way of preventing xenophobia and radical right wing populism is to create a unified and common European identity. “The future of radical right-wing populism ultimately depends on the degree on which it manages to incorporate the question of national identity into a coherent political program”. Since this question was successfully unified in the Western democracies, it is possible that these parties and xenophobic radicalism can come to new EU member states: to Lithuania as well.

This research considers the key actors and principles constituting the DIY scene in St. Petersburg. It traces the importance of independent music production, anti-commercialisation, anticonsumerism and creative self-realisation to the scene. It pays particular attention to the exploration of the diversity of young people involved in DIY scenes in the city and the evidence of differing narratives of DIY culture between musicians and activists within it.

In Russian academic literature, drug use is generally approached as a “social problem” that can be “resolved” through the curbing of the supply of drugs and the punishment of drug users and traders. This approach is rooted in understandings drug use as an “escape” from harsh social reality (often linked to economic transformation and moral confusion following the collapse of the Soviet Union). The research from this case study in Sochi – a city in which young people have relatively good economic and cultural opportunities – undermines a key argument underpinning this problematising discourse. The material suggests, on the contrary, that drugs – especially “recreational drugs” – are becoming an increasingly routine (“normal”) part of the youth cultural environment.

The research enables a description of the (sub)cultural Anti-fa scene, an analysis of how participants enter and progress within the movement and the illumination of important aspects of interpersonal and group interactions. The research also reveals the emergence of new forms of Anti-fa solidarities and explains the meanings, logic and justification provided by members for radical Anti-fa actions. The further development of a youth Anti-fa movement is closely connected to the development of fascistic youth groups; it will continue to develop in parallel with them.

This case study considered the role of xenophobia within Cossack movements in the Krasnodar region of Southern Russia. In contrast to existing literature which primarily considers the institutional dimension of Cossack organisations and their impact on the political scene, this research focused on issues of grassroots support of the Cossack movement, especially among young people in regional urban centres. The research revealed the importance of Cossack movements as both a space for youth activism as well as a “resource” – economic, cultural and institutional – that young people in the region could draw upon in negotiating their transitions to adulthood.