Kūdikių krikštas suteikia galimybę nuodugniau apmąstyti šeimos vaidmenį Bažnyčios misijoje. Kūdikis yra krikštijamas Bažnyčios tikėjimu ir tuo tikėjimu ugdomas toliau. Pačių tėvų pareiga pakrikštyti kūdikį kyla iš prigimtinių santykių, o aktyvus tėvų dalyvavimas Krikšto metu stiprina krikščionišką atsakomybę už pakrikštytą kūdikį. Šeimoje vaikas įvedamas į krikščionybę: atskleidžiama Dievo samprata, prasideda maldos žingsniai, formuojama moralinė sąmonė, aiškinama krikščioniškosios meilės prasmė.

Darbe trumpai supažindinama su Prienų parapijos archyvinėmis knygomis, aptariamas jų turinys Prienų parapijoje 20 išsaugotų archyvinių knygų yra vertingi dokumentai, kurie liudija ne vien apie Prienų parapijos praeitį. Tai dokumentai, pasakojantys apie Suvalkijos šiaurės rytų kraštą nuo XVII amžiaus antrosios pusės iki XX amžiaus pradžios.

Canon Law obligates priests to registrate people baptized, married and died in the parish. There are old archives only in some churches in Lithuania. After Second World War archives of churches were transfered to State archives. Archives of churches accumulated a lot of valuable information about people, districts, villages etc. Author for the first time describes in his article archives of parish Paparčiai, specific books, presents specific information about people lived in this parish in 17.- 20. centuries. Author try to turn people’s attention to archives of churches in Lithuania.

After examining how gender identity is being understood and how transsexualism is being defined, the article focuses on the problems faced by the Canon Law, when the Canon Law is supposed to address issues of gender identity (transsexualism). The authors analyse the legitimacy of marriage in the case of transsexualism, discuss the issues arising in the consecrated life and the sacrament of baptism while answering the question whether a transsexual person is capable of becoming a godparent.

The purpose of this essay is to identify and to put in context a number of specific contributions made by Sacrosanctum Concilium (the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy) that worked particularly in favour of women’s increased participation in the liturgy and, in a wide theological perspective, the affirmation and development of women’s baptismal dignity in the Church.

Straipsnyje nagrinėjamos priežastys, kodėl Lietuva pasirinko priimti Vakarų Bažnyčios krikštą. Analizuojama pagoniškosios Lietuvos geopolitinė situacija, tiriamas Karaliaus Mindaugo ir didžiųjų kunigaikščių Vytenio, Gedimino, Algirdo, Jogailos ir Vytauto pasirinktas diplomatinis kursas. Straipsnyje taip pat apžvelgiama krikščionybės įtaka dabartinei Lietuvos narystei Europos Sąjungoje.

During the early years of Khrushchev’s administration the Lithuanian Communist party determined that its anti-religious programs had not succeeded in driving a wedge between the Lithuanian people and the Church. Newborn children were still being baptized, couples were still exchanging nuptial vows before Christian altars, and priests were still accompanying their earthly remains to the cemeteries. It was clear that a different approach was needed. The party must supplant these Christian rites with effective secular and atheistic alternatives. In 1957 a secret decree Shortcomings of the Scientific Atheistic Propaganda in the Republic and the Means of its Improvement stated that the Party and Young Communist League had mistakenly allowed the Church to intrude into the lives of the Lithuanian people on these significant occasions, and new rites were needed to be formulated to render the Christian rites of Baptism, Marriage and Burial superfluous. In 1961 the name-giving rite (Lith. Vardynos) was implemented to replace Baptism at the “Aušra” collective farm near Garliava. The center of attention was the name-giving ceremony in which the parents and sponsors of the candidate were exhorted to raise the child as a loyal member of the new societal order. At the same time marriage rites for use in civil registry offices were being developed employing folk traditions and native dances by ethnological groups. The central of this ceremony was the oath taken by the couple in a solemn atmosphere. Secular funeral services were designed to be led by local communist officials, supported by local cultural organizations and brass bands, to celebrate the passing of a member of the community. Central emphasis was to be placed on the role of the deceased in paving the way to the perfect communist society. Only with the passing of time would uniform rites be formulated. The reports of the commissioner of religion indicate that the solemn objectives of the secular rites were not always suitably solemn. Name-giving ceremonies were often marred be excessive drinking which started in the hall and continued throughout the day and into the night. Marriage ceremonies were closely controlled, but after the signing of the certificates it was not always easy for the officials to maintain control. In many cases local communist officials and brass bands failed to show up at secular funeral services and they became dismal affairs. Local Christians often openly criticized families which had bowed to official pressure by allowing their loved ones to be buried without a priest. To the chagrin of the commissioner it was not uncommon that even young communists would participate in Christian funeral rites. In general it was only the secular marriage rites which achieved a great measure of success. Registry offices became attractive marriage palaces. The name-giving ceremonies continued in common use, however in secret many couples still had their children baptized. Despite the financial incentives offered by the government the secular funeral services were seldom observed. Few Lithuanians were willing to forego the services of the clergy, and those who did so were often severely criticized by their neighbors. Some Lithuanians did indeed lose their connection with Christian Churches, but Lithuania as a whole never lost its identity as a Christian nation.